By Hamid Naficy
In Volume 3, Naficy assesses the profound results of the Islamic Revolution on Iran's cinema and picture undefined. during the e-book, he makes use of the time period Islamicate, instead of Islamic, to point that the values of the postrevolutionary country, tradition, and cinema have been knowledgeable not just by way of Islam but in addition via Persian traditions. Naficy examines documentary motion pictures made to list occasions sooner than, in the course of, and within the instant aftermath of the revolution. He describes how definite associations and contributors, together with prerevolutionary cinema and filmmakers, have been linked to the Pahlavi regime, the West, and modernity and for that reason perceived as corrupt and immoral. some of the nation's moviehouses have been burned down. Prerevolutionary motion pictures have been topic to strict assessment and sometimes banned, to get replaced with motion pictures commensurate with Islamicate values. Filmmakers and entertainers have been thrown out of the undefined, exiled, imprisoned, or even performed. but, out of this progressive turmoil, a rare Islamicate cinema and movie tradition emerged. Naficy strains its improvement and explains how Iran's lengthy struggle with Iraq, the gendered segregation of area, and the imposition of the veil on ladies inspired sure ideological and aesthetic tendencies in movie and similar media. eventually, he discusses the structural, administrative, and regulatory measures that helped to institutionalize the recent evolving cinema.
A Social background of Iranian Cinema
Volume 1: The Artisanal period, 1897–1941
Volume 2: The Industrializing Years, 1941–1978
Volume three: The Islamicate interval, 1978–1984
Volume four: The Globalizing period, 1984–2010
Read Online or Download A Social History of Iranian Cinema, Volume 3: The Islamicate Period, 1978–1984 PDF
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Additional info for A Social History of Iranian Cinema, Volume 3: The Islamicate Period, 1978–1984
While these syncretic Islamic ideas sounded refreshing and promised much-Â�needed reforms, in practice their implementation was stymied by the peculiar formal governing structures and informal formations of the Islamic Republic. Arrest, interrogation, imprisonment, torture, and murder of reformists, journalists, and “alternative thinkers” or “counterhegemonic thinkers” (degar andishan) increased under the guise of preserving the nation’s security, public order, and moral and revolutionary values (Kar 2001:262).
For example, populism as a vibrant part of the Islamicate ideology effectively ended with the termination of war with Iraq and the death of Ayatollah Khomeini, in 1989. Populism was first replaced by clientelism, according to which autonomous parallel groups formed powerful vertical, personal, patron-Â�client bonds with ruling Islamic structures, and then by increasing militarization of the government after the war, during the presidencies of Rafsanjani and Khatami, culminating with Ahmadinejad’s presidency, in 2005 (Alamdari 2005:1286).
12 However, a performative nation, even one that is ideologically committed, requires a masterful stage manager and cheerleader. The Islamist regime proved to be one such masterful manipulator, exhorting the nation to support its causes and facilitating its emergence onto the stage of history. It is in this context that the characterization of the Islamic Republic regime by the dissident exile, writer, and psychiatrist Gholamhosain Saedi as “the government of show” makes 6 t r ans i t i o n t o “i sla mi ca t e ci n ema” good sense (1984b).